History of Siquijor
American-Era Economy
Economic Production
In the early 20th century, agriculture dominated Siquijor’s economy so thoroughly that nearly all of the island’s arable land was already in use. One common crop was coconuts, which had been introduced by the Spanish. Siquijodnons also started to grow maguey and sisal, two agave plants cultivated for their fiber, after the Insular Bureau of Agriculture distributed seeds to the farmers. Several hundred acres of the latter crop were planted throughout the island, and so much of it was grown that by 1920, Siquijor had become the main supplier of the crop in the Philippines.
Tobacco was another profitable crop in Siquijor, which outproduced the rest of Oriental Negros. Many people from neighboring islands sought out Siquijor’s tobacco in particular but were unable to obtain it in large quantities because of the Moros. They dominated the island’s tobacco trade, exchanging their dried fish and toñgong (tan bark) for tobacco and corn.
Siquijodnon farmers also grew rice and Indian corn. However, neither Siquijor’s production nor Oriental Negros’s were able to meet local demand, so both were always forced to import both crops from other provinces. Many also produced sinamay and ugpac, two coarse hemp fibers, to make their own clothes, pillows, mattresses, and curtains. These were exclusively cottage industries. Other smaller industries included abaca and sugar. Siquijodnons additionally raised poultry to be sold to Dumaguete, and at the onset of American rule, the island served as that town’s main supplier of chicken and eggs.
All of this cultivation severely depleted Siquijor’s already poor soils (see Siquijor under Spanish Rule: Economy) of their nutrients. Constant tilling badly eroded the soil, and farmers often planted three crops of corn per year on the same land, reducing the size of each consecutive harvest and leaving the soil unable to withstand drought. Because the farmers always needed to be planting corn to feed their families, crop rotation would not have worked. Nor would have fertilizers, as Siquijor did not have any and lacked the means to buy or produce them. Opening up new land to agriculture was not a possibility either, as it had already all been taken.
Siquijor’s only major non-agricultural industry was manganese, which is typically used in fertilizers and steel production. Following the discovery of a massive manganese deposit in the highlands of Larena, Enrique Villanueva, and Maria by a German prospector in 1937, Lt. Gov. Jumawan and his two brothers–Jose and Maximo–quickly bought the mineral rights. Their fully operational mine, owned by Mine Factors Inc., brought windfalls for both themselves and the island, extracting nearly 30,000 tons in 1938 alone.
In fact, solely because of the Jumawans’ endeavors, Siquijor became the largest source of low-grade manganese in the Philippines and one of the main suppliers of manganese in general during the American period, surpassed only by Busuanga. Larena, too, benefited massively. Technicians, skilled laborers, and American businessmen all converged at this bustling boomtown.
Fishing was also common, although Siquijodnons only practiced it for their subsistence and, unlike the other industries, did not grow it to commercial scales. Nor was much attention paid to it. Governor-General Leonard Wood saw that himself when he visited Lazi in 1922 and observed that fishermen were allowed to dynamite the water, recklessly depleting the local fish stocks. The townsfolk on shore had no fresh fish and were forced to subsist on imported canned salmon.
Trade and Infrastructure
Siquijor’s trade was largely limited to neighboring islands but nonetheless provided a much-needed source of revenue for its people and an outlet for their surplus goods.
At the beginning of the American period, the only port in Siquijor was in Canoan, opened in 1902 to all coastwise (or domestic) trade. Two years later, the port of Lazi opened to coastwise trade as well. New wharves were built over the subsequent decades. Larena received ₱4000 in 1911 for new construction and another ₱10,000 in 1933 for improvements, while Lazi received ₱20,000 in 1926. These expanded the island’s access to maritime trade with neighboring provinces, allowing goods such as rice, corn, and tobacco to be traded more easily. The main continuity throughout all these changes was that Canoan–later Larena–remained Siquijor’s main entrepôt, through which much of its trade flowed and where businesses gathered.
Lt. Gov. James R. Fugate (see Dawn of the American Period) led renovations of the island’s Spanish-era roads, tying the towns’ commerce closer together. His road network would later become the basis for the Siquijor Circumferential Road.
Fugate also presided over waterwork construction, furnishing the systems of Larena, Lazi, Maria, and Siquijor with iron pipes to bring spring water from the highlands down to the people. Unlike the other towns, San Juan used a small spring-fed lake for its water. Everyone on the island enjoyed reliable, potable water.
Money sent home by Siquijodnons in Hawaii and California as agricultural laborers known as sakadas (see Society) allowed Siquijor to invest more in infrastructure, such as when they provided ₱15,000 to build a new provincial government building. That tradition of sending money home continues to this day, both in Siquijor and across the Philippines.
In the 1920s and 1930s, the Japanese began to penetrate Siquijor’s economy. One textile and retail store was established in Larena by a Japanese businessman, Shunzo Suzuki, who lived in a small bamboo hut by the sea in Camaligan, a sitio of Nabutay, Maria. He would later be appointed the governor in charge of the island’s occupation during World War II (see World War II: Japanese Landings).
Port of Larena, 1940. The site is now occupied by Prince Hypermart.
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Natural Disasters
Incessant plagues and famines crippled Siquijor’s economic potential in the early part of the American period. Granted, the island was fortunate enough to escape rinderpest (a cattle disease that was eradicated in the late 20th and early 21st centuries) plagues that hit Oriental Negros in 1901, then again in 1902-1903, killing most of its livestock. Being a physically separate island helped, and wealthy planters purchased Siquijor’s carabaos at exorbitant prices.
However, Siquijor’s fortunes ran out in 1908, when rinderpest finally arrived. Within a year, nearly all of Siquijor’s livestock–6,000 carabaos and cattle–were dead. Hundreds of families were completely ruined and forced to plow the land with their own hands, just as primitive farmers did over 3,000 years ago. Two veterinarians tried in vain to stop the plague but were unable to overcome its contagiousness and the ignorance of the people, who thought that vaccinating livestock was what sickened them.
To make matters worse, in that same year, a severe locust plague hit Oriental Negros and crossed into Siquijor, destroying its rice and corn harvests. Just about all of the island’s food had to be imported. Many considered leaving for other provinces or even Hawaii but were ultimately unwilling to surrender their connection to their home island.
Two more locust plagues hit Siquijor in 1914 and 1915. The first plague also hit Oriental Negros, forcing the provincial government to pay people in rice for killing locusts and leaving it unable to provide Siquijor with aid. The people starved. Many migrated elsewhere, particularly Hawaii.
In 1916, torrential rains ruined Oriental Negros and Siquijor’s sugar cane and corn harvests. Both areas’ coconut trees were able to recover, but as the world’s primary market for the crop––Europe––was embroiled in World War I, prices remained dangerously low and nobody was able to profit.
Three years later, southern Oriental Negros and Siquijor were hit by their worst-ever famine. Rice and corn became luxuries that only the rich could afford. Everyone else was forced to manage with natok (starch from buri palm trees) and sacsac (flour from sago palms), which were difficult to prepare, hard to digest, and low in nutrients. Even camotes (sweet potatoes) and other root crops had already been exhausted. For some, this was simply too much, and they moved to northern Mindanao, where a substantial Siquijodnon diaspora remains to this day.